
As Ukraine approaches its first presidential election since the Orange revolution in 2004, disappointment runs deep. A recent survey shows that 75% of Ukrainians believe the leaders of the street protests, which overturned a rigged ballot and catapulted Viktor Yushchenko to the presidency, used it for their own ends and betrayed their supporters.
That is because Ukrainian voters as opposed to propagandists like James Marson realise that the idea of 'betrayal' is true. That was apparent no sooner had neoliberal oligarchs like Petro Poroshenko been dismissed by Yushchenko for corruption and rivalry in September 2005, less than a year after the Orange Revolution.
However, in accordance with the circulation of these Machievellian elites, Poroshenko was promoted back in October 2009 by Yushchenko as Foreign Minister, proving that no matter what an oligarch does his money and media power ensures he must be kept onside when elections loom.
Poroshenko is is considered one of the country's wealthiest figures and owns 5 Kanal, a pro-Yushchenko news station and has controlling shares in the Roshen group, the country's largest sweets company. Curiously his position was voted for by Yushchenko's bitter rival-Yulia Tymoshenko.
One dominant interpretation of the "failure" of the Orange revolution is as the failure of the west. This view can be traced back to the erroneous idea (propagated by Russia) that the Orange revolution was actually created by the west. In this interpretation, Ukraine became "free" in 2004 from the Russian yoke – the west "won".Well, no the West did not 'create it' but it certainly exploited Ukrainian discontent with Kuchma's corrupt regime to foist a multi-media event designer 'revolution' modelled on Otpor in Serbia and the carefully choreographed coup in Georgia which was branded the Rose Revolution in late 2003.
Its curious that Marson, a ceaseless propagandist for NATO expansion and Yushchenko now tries to reframe the Orange Revolution in a way that makes it seem as though the hopes invested in it were not triumphalistic nor that this reflected the massive inflow of cash from Western NGOS.
This crude narrative of a fairytale People Power uprising was not put forth by Russia but by journalists like Askold Krushelnycky whose absurd An Orange Revolution: A Personal Journey Through Ukrainian History is a monument to the kitsch in Maidan Nezalezhnosti Square in 2004.
It is true the Ukranians have lost out, not least because the West's favourite clients pursued neoliberal policies that would favour short term investment without cleaning up politics first. For corruption is not considered important so long as it does not affect the return on those investments.
The Ukrainian people acted simply as extras in a film set with the script drafted by Western funded NGOS whose plot was to fast track Ukraine into NATO. Which is why Radek Sikorski, the neoconservative Polish FM who worked with Yushchenko's wife in the US New Atlantic Initiative think tank.
That makes a mockery of Marsons assertion that,
The subsequent failure of Ukraine to join Nato, make significant progress on European Union membership or develop European-style institutions and leadership, led one commentator, Simon Tisdall, to declare that, five years on, "in a sense, [Russian prime minister Vladimir] Putin has won".It would be difficult to see how Putin had 'lost'. Then again, Marson has himself asserted in the same article that the idea that the West 'won' in 2004 was Russian propaganda. So the failure of a policy that was backed by Miliband and Sikorski is presumably now a Russian invention. How curious.
When facts fail to fit the prescriptions of the propaganda screed, the rule has been to re-invent the reality
But the Orange revolution was not primarily about defining Ukraine's future as with the west or with Russia, about leaving Russia's sphere of influence, and joining the west's (again, how Russia interpreted it).
It was about defining Ukraine's aspirations and values as western (free and fair elections, rule of law, a balanced media, limited corruption, diversified market economy) as opposed to Russian (rigged elections, legal anarchy, controlled media, rampant corruption, crony state capitalism).Marson is clearly on the defensive when he produces a list of abstract words that could come from a 1001 'democracy transition' texts churned out by mediocre academician PhD students. The kind who then go on to prostitute themselves in think tanks where the idea of thinking independently outside the box is anathema.
Orwell knew that when writers fly off into abstraction it denotes an indifference to reality.
That becomes quite clear with the idea that the West supports a "balanced media" when, in fact, Yushchenko allows Radio Liberty and Voice of America airtime but bans Russian stations which are popular with Russophones in Eastern Ukraine as well as Ukrainian speakers .
Yushchenko's censorship increased as his 'reforms' acheived nothing and, as his popularity slumped, he tried to cut off Russian speaking programmes, ramp up Ukrainian ethnocentrism and import those Russian journalists who supported media oligarchs like Berezovsky to boost his image as Yeltsin once did.
As RT reported in 2008,
"Dozens of Ukrainian students have come to Moscow to watch a Russian-directed movie called ‘Wanted’. They’ve travelled to the capital in protest at a Ukrainian law that bans films in Russian in Ukraine"
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Ukraine's national development and fertile chernozems, making Ukraine 'the breadbasket of the Soviet Union', meant that large numbers of richer peasants did not want collectivisation and so the terror famine was implemented to crush any resistance to Soviet power.
The catastrophic result can be better described as democide, which in no way detracts from the enormity of the Soviet Unions artificially induced famine. The word 'genocide' appeals only to those who want to use history as propaganda to back the agenda of Ukrainian nationalists.
That Marson has backed Ukrainian nationalist claims is foolish as he has failed to notice that the Terror Famine was implemented by Communists, many of whom like Krushchev were Ukrainian when they were not Georgian, as was Stalin and his henchmen.
Solszhenitsyn was not entirely wrong to describe the interpretation of the Holomodor as a genocide 'a loopy fable' if it is portrayed as a Russian genocide which, of course, it was not. It was not intended to exterminate a race but had the advantage of killing off the focus for nationalist resistance.
That still does not in any sense rationalise the mass murder of millions of peasants as 'the class enemy' but neither should the Terror Famine be used to back Ukrainian ethnic nationalism in a way that could ramp up ethnic tensions in Ukraine just as accusations of genocide did in Yugoslavia.
But propaganists for immediate NATO expansion into the Ukraine in the USA and Canada want people to conflate Russia and the Soviets because a considerable number in the North American diaspora are far right nationalists who see NATO expansion as part of a grudge match against Russia.
With diminishing influence Yushchenko, who derived most of his miniscule support from the West of Ukraine around places like L'viv, is clearly playing the nationalist card in a manner reminiscent of Mikheil Saakashvili in order to shore up a crumbling support base. The irony is that this part of Ukraine actually was untouched by the famine ( it was part of Poland in the 30s).
Those like Marson, who take their propaganda screed directly from the templates laid down by the viscerally Russophobic Zbigniew Brzezinski, are prepared to disregard these realities are have not learnt enough about history of Ukraine. The very people who push the genocide theory often have demons of their own.
The right wing Ukranian nationalists have a dark history of terror and ethnic cleansing as the activities of UPA showed during The Second World War when they killed 200,000 Poles in what had been until 1939 termed 'Eastern Poland', often using atrocious means including sawing people in half.
UPA was also rabidly anti-semitic, dispatching Jews to their deaths as both Jews and Poles were seen as much as the Russians as the national enemy who should be driven out and killed. A tradition dating back to the Khmelnytsky Uprising of 1648 which was common knowledge and mentioned in literature like Isaac Bashevis Singer's The Slave.
Clearly Marson has consigned all of that to the Orwellian memory hole because it does not fit in with the relentless and needless demonisation of Russia, something which only stimulates Russian nationalism in response and is divisive given the close ethnic Russian links between Eastern Ukraine and the Crimea and Russia.