
One of the most curious developments of contemporary history is the way the project of inaugurating Utopia and going beyond history into a new realm of universal freedom across the global has mutated from the political left to the political right.
Throughout the supposedly post-political 'noughties' across the globe the trappings of the revolutionary left and brand names are used to sell US style capitalism from Ukraine ( Orange ) to Belarus ( Jeans or Denim ), Georgia ( Rose ), Lebanon ( Cedar).
With the end of the Cold War, history had not stopped but it had come to an End as far as the truth about which model of universal freedom was the blueprint for success everywhere-the US market model. The task was not just to understand this but to now will regime change.
Even the invasion of Iraq and miltarised form of liberal humanitarian intervention was branded a Purple Revolution by Bush in 2005, though deep Scarlet might have been more appropriate as the scale of carnage unleashed in this war for oil deepened, resulting in over a million deaths.
The Iraq War was unfortunately supported by those like Vaclav Havel who led the original Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia in 1989 as well as Adam Michnik who opined somewhat curiously for a person regarded as a "speaking truth to power",
"Poland is an ally of the United States of America. It was our duty to show that we are a reliable, loyal, and predictable ally. America needed our help, and we had to give it".
Havel and former Polish Solidarity dissident Michnik routinely give their benediction to any supposedly liberal democracy promoters backed and funded by the USA, irrespective of whether they are democrats or not.
There is nothing particulary democratic about the incessant attempts of Washington to support a coup against Hugo Chavez in Venezuela through NGOs. Nor about Khodorkovsky the oligarch whose trial on corruption charges is a cause celebre for Michnik.
Yet because Chavez backs Castro and Havel correctly regards Cuba as a dictatorship, Havel has nothing to say about US actions in Venezuela where Chavez is supported by a clear majority in fair elections.
The reason for this has lain in the way some former dissidents turned into liberal mandarins refuse to criticise the USA in case it gives succour to the enemies of freedom, to remain silent as apologists for the Soviet Union once did lest it discredit 'the cause'.
Journalist Neil Clark, who has very kindly drawn attention on
his website to a
previous piece of mine on the
Freedom and its Adversaries conference in Prague ( sponsored by Coca Cola, Deloitte etc ) .
Clark
differentiates 'real socialists' from 'faux leftists' by referring to whether they support or rail against Chavez's government in Venezuela. The real point, however, is that Chavez is democratically elected and runs a sovereign state.
Nevertheless what Clark calls faux leftists can be also called
designer revolutionaries, those whose espousal of a Brave New World of liberty usually means a form of unaccountable corporate capitalist power.
That is, the kind that dictates the kind of politics that a nation must have, with a choice of candidates that offer very much the same thing. Where the choice is reduced primarily to a consumer package and debate over policy reduced to hollow soundbites.
Even so I have to disagree slightly with Clark's use of 'faux leftism' because the term 'leftism' itself indicates only a tendency towards the left which is not necessarily 'false' but has a basis in all liberal and socialist politics.
In fact, the politics of Michnik or Havel has much in common with what the real left has always fought for-human rights, universal freedom, the values of the Enlightenment, secularism etc-except that it can and must be applied at a global level via US superpower.
Designer revolutionaries are essentially liberals, though liberals of a fundamentalist kind, who are even prepared to use state sanctioned violence when in power whilst denouncing it in opposition.
Designer Revolutionaries see
economic liberalism, an ideological project of delegating the power of the state to large trans national corporations and abstract market forces on a global scale, as the automatic partner of
political liberalism.
That has dovetailed with criticism of 'statism' during the Cold War when the choice seemed to be a polarised one between the Free World and capitalism on the one side and Communist command economies on the other, though this either or dichotomy was always oversimplistic.
Unfortunately, in what was 'Eastern Europe' the dissidents at the time have carried on that attitude from before 1989 into the very changed world of 2009. This is understandable as older people tend to be trapped in the experiences they had when they were younger.
For the dissidents Communist control over the economy made the everyday tasks of making enough money to survive dependent upon a person having correct politics will always suspect state control.
Yet dissidents such as Adam Michnik never really understood the economics of transition nor how the neoliberal model was but one alternative on offer and which would undercut the very basis for political liberalism.
As it did in Poland, though only a few like David Ost in his
The Defeat of Solidarity have even felt it necessary to point this out amidst all the self congratulation and numerous awards the Solidarity elites have bestowed on one another as millions emigrate in search of jobs abroad.
All that had become clear in Poland where the Round Table agreement in 1989 ending Communist political domination was followed by the Balcerowicz Plan of 1990,"shock therapy',mass unemployment and the destruction of the trade unions that had fought for democracy.
Perhaps this 'model of transition' was a venture into the unknown at the time for many dissidents did not know how to cope with the prospect of real power but those Washington trained economists like Balcerowicz knew exactly how to impose 'extraordinary politics'.
When Tony Judt terms Michnik a 'useful idiot' in supporting Iraq it is as equally true that he acted as such in his contempt for the ordinary workers who made Solidarity possible. Michnik had only belatedly taken up the workers cause with KOR in 1976.
Before that back in 1968, Michnik had been incensed by what he regarded as the failure of the workers to oppose anti-semitic measures used by the People's Republic , an early example of the "populist" measures used to get them onside against the intellectuals ( Michnik is half-Jewish ).
As David Ost argues by 1985 Michnik was already in Takie Czasy (These Times ) in 1985 he launching an attack Polish workers for being impetuous and irrational in believing strike action could bring about change alone without being guided by those who knew what was best.
Ost writes that Michnik believed that
"Far from being the guarantor of democracy, labor activism is one of the main dangers to democracy. The rational elite, he argues, would have to take the place of workers in the Solidarity leadership if the organization was truly to be the agent of democratic transformation".
The stage was already set for casting the extras in the film version of the Great Revolution against a genenerated Communist state aside and giving due weight to the leading stars like Michnik who since 1990 has done little but boast about his role in history. As Ost puts it,
"In 1980 we might, he argues, to have thought about them as sensible and rational actors. In fact they are really irrational hot heads, hostile to reason and common sense, contemptuous of the notion of the compromise, and incapable of recognizing the 'limits and realities' of the real world.Curiously, the idea of 'limits and realities' did not get applied to Iraq, nor has it applied to mentioning the way IMF economists impoverished Russia in immiseration throughout the 1990s by applying wholly inappropriate policies leading to the death of over a million Russians.
Nor have limits and realities been evident on the War on Terror which Michnik has also supported as a global crusade of simplistic Good versus Evil which gave the USA the right to resort to
pre-emptive measures to arbitrarily imprison and torture people in Afghanistan.
Yet no limits and realities are set for the depth of the media manipulation inherent in self promotional dissidents developed one tactic used particularly amongst protestors of the 1968 "revolutions"-that of trying to goad the state into repressive measures to discredit it.
Ironically, as protest in Western states like Britain and the USA is increasingly criminalised and dissent marginalised, such states are all to willing to pour cash into NGOS organising street demos in places such as Belarus or Ukraine or Russia or Venezuela.
By convincing Chavez or his strategic ally Aleksander Lukashenko ( one seldom mentioned by somwhat too uncritically pro-Chavez journalists like John Pilger ) of foreign plots to overthrow them by the US, the hope is to provoke them into acts of ostensible repression.
Young and good looking photogenic democracy advocates are funded by the West to visibly promote the exciting new possibilities of 'success' and consumer capitalism and the US way of life open to all if only people had the power to free themselves from the dead hand of this regime.
Whilst Chavez does have some authoritarian tendencies, he is certainly not a dictator and neither is Lukashenko for all the rough and ready brutality the regime in Minsk can dish out to those who really are ostensibly calling out, as one dissident did, for him to be assassinated.
The fast track democracy promotion package consists of trying to get the police to clamp down on protestors by irritating the police, capturing it on camera, and then claiming that this shows that the regime is a nightmare dictatorship.
The fact that Georgia under Saakashvili followed a 'Colour Revolution' and proved far more authoritarian and brutal than any clampdown on protest implemented by Lukashenko is quite simply not considered news in the West.
For designer democrats are experts at managing and manipulating the global media and indeed go on training programmes to this end financed by the West, in building up a critical momentum that persuades aspirational youths to challenge the old regime.
What one of that generation of genuine generation of dissidents in Communist Czechoslovakia Milan Kundera called the danger of 'kitsch' inherent in all revolutions has now become a routine and closely exploited and choreographed part of the advertisement that is a Colour Revolution.
The job of designer revolutionaries is less to spell out the future in practical terms but to use the mass media to market aspirational youths bored with "conventional "politics to join in a regime change, have fun and, by identifying with Colour Revolution pop stars, embrace consumerism.
The fact that only a minority will ever earn enough under the new regime as many slide deeper into poverty as a necessary 'transition measure' is never mentioned. For when the media moves on nobody will care.